Abstract |
In Jean-Paul Sartre’s 1960 declaration that Marxism was the “unsurpassable philosophy of our time,” he acknowledged the relationship between the Marxist interpretation of history and an existentialist philosophy focused on the individual’s subjective experience. However, in the decades since Sartre’s assertion, the philosophical landscape has undergone significant transformations. The fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 and the subsequent collapse of the Soviet Union seemed to mark the final triumph of liberal capitalism over socialist alternatives. At the same time, the rise of postmodernism in philosophy casted doubts on the grand universal narratives that supported Marxism. Postmodern theorists argued that these overarching meta-narratives were intrinsically totalizing and oppressive, thereby suppressing diversity and plurality. Despite these challenges, Marx’s influence persists, often in complex and mediated ways. Paul Ricœur sees Marx as the first “master of suspicion,” who continues to be relevant (alongside Nietzsche and Freud). These thinkers have taught us to question superficial appearances and unearth the hidden forces and motivations shaping our social and psychic lives. Marx’s analysis of the operations of capitalism, his critique of ideology, and his view of class struggle as the engine of history continue to resonate, even as the details of his theory are disputed. Indeed, as Jacques Derrida argues, Marx remains present even in our attempts to surpass him. The language and concepts of Marxism have infiltrated modern discourse so deeply that we cannot simply dismiss them. Instead, we are haunted by the specters of Marx, which continue to haunt us and demand our attention. Even those who reject Marxism often engage with it, defining their positions in opposition to it. This persistence of Marxism is evident in its engagement with a wide range of 20th-century philosophical traditions. The critical theory of the Frankfurt School, for example, developed a sophisticated synthesis of Marxist ideas, Freudian psychoanalysis, and cultural critique. Thinkers like Theodor Adorno and Herbert Marcuse sought to update Marxist analysis to respond to the challenges of advanced capitalist societies, with their mass consumption apparatus and technocratic administration. Meanwhile, the encounter of Marxism with French poststructuralism produced some of the most innovative theoretical interventions of the second half of the 20th century. Louis Althusser sought to “read Capital” in a new way, emphasizing the radically anti-humanist nature of Marx’s project. Thinkers like Étienne Balibar and Jacques Rancière, in turn, developed Althusser’s ideas in new directions, exploring the political implications of Marxist ideas about ideology and subjectivity. The work of Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe played a crucial role in the development of post-Marxism, especially through their book “Hegemony and Socialist Strategy: Towards a Radical Democratic Politics”, which helped establish post-Marxism as a distinct theoretical position. Laclau and Mouffe did not invent post-Marxism, but provided a theorization of the various efforts of opposition to classical Marxism and communism that had accumulated during the 1960s and 1970s (although it is possible to identify a history of post-Marxism even before then). The great virtue of “Hegemony and Socialist Strategy” was that it allowed us to contextualize these centers of opposition, thereby enabling the recognition that a novel theoretical stance was progressively emerging over time. More recently, the advent of speculative realism and object-oriented ontology has opened new avenues for engaging with Marxism. Thinkers like Quentin Meillassoux and Graham Harman have proposed a “speculative materialism” that breaks with the boundaries of Kantian-Heideggerian correlationism. This has opened a renewed dialogue with Marx’s insistence on the primacy of material reality over thought constructions. Ultimately, post-Marxism elicits a fairly skeptical response, especially because the relativism intrinsic to deconstruction and postmodernism is simply incompatible with an absolutist-minded theory like classical Marxism: it is, perhaps, an attempt to reconcile the irreconcilable. One wonders why post-Marxism needs Marxism at all and what significant contribution it can make to a postmodern politics like that advocated by Laclau and Mouffe. It is more straightforward to comprehend the function of the ‘post’ element than to understand Marxism, which, in the context of the postmodern and the plural, appears increasingly residual and potentially dysfunctional. What remains in post-Marxism is not so much Marxism, some author’s argue, but a series of somewhat empty gestures, whose content is more emotional than theoretical – although one might still have a great deal of sympathy for the emotion in question. Saying that Marxism serves an almost entirely emotional function in the post-Marxist project is, however, one of the most damning things one can say about a theory that has set itself up as the ultimate science. Therefore, it can be said that post-Marxism share several key characteristics. There is an element of nostalgia present in both, as well as an emotional response to Marxism – and even if this emotional response is essentially negative on one side and positive on the other, there is a common sense that Marxism demands such a response from them, that each side must position itself in relation to that older body of theory. Marxism also continues to be a vital resource for understanding contemporary capitalist crises. The global financial crisis of 2008 sparked renewed interest in Marx’s critique of political economy as intellectuals sought to understand the systemic causes of the crisis. The Covid-19 pandemic, in turn, dramatically exposed the deep inequalities and vulnerabilities produced by social inequalities, giving new urgency to Marxist analyses of class, race, and gender. And as the climate crisis escalates, the ecological contributions of Marxist scholars such as John Bellamy Foster and Jason W. Moore offer new perspectives on the systemic origins of the catastrophe. Indeed, we see a resurgence of interest in Marxism among a new generation of activists and intellectuals. From Occupy Wall Street to global climate protests, contemporary movements for social justice are increasingly turning to Marxist analyses and strategies. At the same time, a new group of Marxist thinkers, such as Jodi Dean, Benjamin Noys, and Alberto Toscano, are revitalizing and reconceptualizing the tradition to align with contemporary exigencies. This new engagement with Marxism is characterized by several key aspects. First, it is marked by a rejection of dogmatism coupled with a spirit of openness and experimentation. Instead of simply repeating formulas from the past, new Marxists are exploring new syntheses with feminism, critical race theory, ecology, and other currents of radical thought. They are also recovering neglected aspects of the Marxist tradition, such as the work of thinkers like Walter Benjamin, Siegfried Kracauer, and Raymond Williams. Second, new Marxists are seriously engaging with issues of technology and environmental change. As artificial intelligence, automation, and the so-called “Fourth Industrial Revolution” radically reshape our world, Marxist thinkers are exploring the implications for labor, class, and revolutionary struggle. Of course, recognizing the ongoing relevance of Marxism does not mean endorsing every aspect of Marx’s theory or the many marxisms that followed. Rather, Marxism is open to criticism, revision, and constant renewal. It is in this spirit that we offer this special issue – not as the last word on Marx and his legacy, but as a contribution to an ongoing dialogue as we struggle to understand and change the conditions of our collective existence. |